The rise of the far-right nationalist in Europe has been worrying Muslim communities, left-wing parties, and human rights associations, particularly those dealing with migrant issues.
After Giorgia Meloni, leader of the Brothers of Italy party, was elected prime minister in September last year, the Netherlands is joining the ranks of European countries led by xenophobic parties, following Geert Wilders' Freedom Party winning the last election.
In France, Marine Le Pen is betting on sweeping the upcoming presidential elections by stepping up her presence in the legislature and in the media, trying to send messages of reassurance to the French political spectrum.
It is a sight reinforced by the presence of Eric Zemmour, leader of the Reconquista party, whom observers consider to be mere "racing rabbits" that makes Le Pen look kinder and more moderate.
A corrupt elite and populist rhetoric
The remarkable rise of the extreme right in Europe in general and France in particular is a phenomenon subject to multiple influences.
In sum, it can be said that this momentum is nothing but a reaction to the growing tide of globalization and the intensification of the economic crisis, and the resulting deepening of social disparities and the expansion of the segment of the angry.
A number of them have become up for grabs for political projects that feed on identity ideologies. These discourses hold immigrants responsible and consider them a burden on the state budget, as if only with their departure, prices will fall, the citizen's purchasing power will grow, and public utility services will improve.
The far-right nationalist usually adopts a populist discourse in opposing the attitudes and positions of the elite, which has come to be seen as a corrupt group and separate from the general public, by emphasizing the importance of mono-origin national identity and calling for a hardline security policy, which is the same trend that Le Pen and her supporters follow, and which poses an explicit threat to the values of liberal democracy.
But some observers say the French far-right leader's ferocity and sharpness have waned in recent years.
In a number of his statements, former minister Luc Ferry repeatedly called for "no longer considering Marine Le Pen as far-right because of the obvious change in her rhetoric." The latter has softened much of its rhetoric on a number of issues, such as those related to individual freedoms and membership in the European Union.
Decline of the role of the state
However, there are those who view this shift with apprehension and consider it a mere tactic aimed at getting used to and then normalizing with her party, as an extension of the National Front, whose first nucleus was founded by sympathizers of the Vichy regime and opponents of Algerian independence.
This experiment, said by Jean-François Galvier, one of its prominent magnates: "There must be a revolutionary party, white like our race, red like our blood, and green like our hopes."
Although observers downplay the prospect of Marine Le Pen's party winning the upcoming presidential elections—given that Marine Le Pen has had to trim its nails and soften its rhetoric and positions in order to appeal to a significant segment of those angry with government measures and low purchasing power—others remain wary of this growing popularity, sounding the alarm before it is too late.
The various spectrums of the left, and part of the Ennahda party leading the current government – as well as the most representative unions, human rights and environmental associations – cling to their tough stances on Marine Le Pen and the National Rally, led by twenty-eight-year-old Jordan Bardella.
All these forces also reject any appeasement or normalization with this framework, which is known for its extreme conservatism, xenophobia and freedoms.
At the University of Autumn, the League for Human Rights (LDH), one of France's oldest human rights organizations, held a forum last November, where participants stressed the danger of the rise of the far right, which benefits from the remnants of neoliberal policies.
The current general situation is characterized by low purchasing power and a decline in the role of the State in the management of the public sector, which is witnessing a marked deterioration in the quality of its services. All of this adds to the growing popular discontent and provides an opportunity for the revival of far-right forces that feed on crises.
Hanger of immigrants
Marie-Christine Vergiat, a former European MP and vice-president of the League for Human Rights, said: "Migration has become the subject of intense competition and bidding between the right and the extreme right, both trying to appear more exaggerated than the other."
Le Pen's party in the current mandate has no representation in the Senate, while it has 88 seats in the National Assembly, but its influence on the political scene is noticeable through its rhetoric focusing on xenophobia, especially Arabs and Muslims.
In light of the stifling economic crisis and the dramatic decline in purchasing power, migrants have become a hanger on which all problems and failures hang, knowing that France desperately needs labor in areas that are struggling to attract, such as restaurants, hotels, and construction.
This haunting situation prompted the Minister of the Interior, Gérald Moussa Darmanan, to submit a bill to Parliament aimed at regularizing the status of illegal immigrants with a view to employing them in the sectors concerned.
On the other hand, if the extreme right manages to reach the wheels of power in the next presidential elections, it will cause a major political shake-up in the country that has preached the values of freedom, equality and fraternity for more than two hundred years.
Such an organization may adopt stricter policies with immigration and immigrants, as well as the potential for a multiplication of rhetoric and hostile actions toward citizens and residents of a Muslim culture, such as harassment, moral violence, and physical attacks.
This is something that is beginning to be manifested in acts of aggression occasionally carried out by far-right activists, but which are not paid due attention by the media.
Far-right rhetoric has had a clear impact on public debate; the media have begun, for the most part, not long ago, directed the debate toward topics related to security, identity, and values.
This current is also trying to seize secularism and make it a national identity registered in its name, and does not miss any occasion to boast about it, which some consider an abuse and a leap (récupération) on a human value that emerged from the womb of the philosophy of enlightenment, which glorified man regardless of his race, religion or color.
It is clear today that coexistence is more threatened than ever. The stereotyping and marginalization of suburban youth leads to aggressive reactions, in the absence of a deliberate policy that guarantees real integration into French society, which is characterized by its diversity and pluralism, which the right does not want to admit.
The latter does not accept without a complete and absolute integration with the French identity without leaving the other the right to preserve his cultural and civilizational heritage in a way that guarantees his psychological balance.
In these complex situations, it seems that the French voter desperately needs a compass and clarity of vision in order to prevent extremist tendencies.
Today, France faces an imminent future threat, unless it decides to manage its diversity rationally, seriously and wisely in a way that guarantees coexistence and the values of freedom, justice, fraternity and equality for which the French people revolted on July 14, 1789.