Spanish citizens have been divided into two antagonistic political blocs for too long. Since 2016, the country has lived in a very complex scenario for governance that has led to two electoral repetitions. This possibility is now back on the table, in the event that Pedro Sánchez does not get the support not only of ERC, Bildu and the PNV, but also of the fugitive Carles Puigdemont. The president came to acknowledge yesterday that he is willing to cross that last line, although before
The winner of the 23-J, Alberto Núñez Feijóo, wears himself out trying to put together a more than unlikely investiture with Vox, the PNV, Coalición Canaria and UPN.
The country is once again facing chaotic negotiations as a result of the division encouraged by Sánchez and the excessive weight of radical forces, whether left, right or independent. But the reality is that Spain is not condemned to instability and that its two great parties, knotted to their respective extremes, continue to turn their backs.
PP and PSOE represent the social majority, with 15.8 million votes (64.6%) and 258 seats.
An agreement between the two forces would not only contribute to restoring harmony, but is essential for Spain to progress by tackling its structural problems.
In this regard,
Feijóo has the opportunity to offer the PSOE a pact
to achieve it and charge itself with legitimacy and moral authority. It will be Sánchez's responsibility if, as is foreseeable given his track record, he rejects it, but he will not be able to argue that he lacked an alternative to strengthening his disruptive alliances.
In any case, whoever governs,
the national interest obliges both parties to at least reach pacts in the affairs of state:
the impossibility of calling a referendum on self-determination; a fundamentally shared foreign policy; the sustainability of the welfare state, with the imminent revision of EU fiscal rules; depoliticization of institutions and the judiciary; and an education that combats unbearable youth unemployment.
One of the lessons of 23-J is the problem that the PP has with Vox.
In his regional negotiations, Feijóo did not know how to project the necessary leadership. To this is added that the ultra-montane profiles that have risen in Vox, its anti-European discourse and the anti-system behaviors and contrary to pluralism of its leaders have ended up defining the party as a toxic partner, by awakening a notable fear that has mobilized the left and cut the transfer of moderate votes from the PSOE. If the PP rightly reproaches Sánchez for his dependence on extremist acronyms,
it would be a sign of coherence that he rethinks his relationship with Vox,
although the price implied questioning some of its regional governments. The sense of State obliges us to behave thinking about the common good, even if the political rival acts in the opposite direction. Or precisely because of that.
SIGN UP FOR FREE TO KEEP READING
You've already consumed all the free items this month
If you are a registered user of EL MUNDO you will enjoy:
- Unlimited access to registered items
- Exclusive newsletters
- Access to comments and opinions
Sign up for free
Do you already have a user or are you Premium? Log